Introduction

Since the 1990’s the situation for young people in Japan has become increasingly severe. The uniquely Japanese “School to Work Transfer System,” prominent until recently, allowed for the employment of recent college graduates as full-time employees. As the structure of industry changes, full-time employment is being replaced with irregular employment, causing a malfunction in the “System.” As a result, the proportion of unemployed or only irregularly employed youth is on the rise, and the type of future recognized as “normal” for an “adult,” i.e. graduate from college, get a job, get married, have and raise children, is becoming less available to a not insubstantial number of young people. Furthermore, in recent years, with the spread of poverty, homeless youth such as the so-called Net Cafe refugees have become increasingly prominent as a social issue, and the “social exclusion” problems of youth increasingly severe.

This is not to say that all youth have been placed in positions of hardship. The expansion of class inequality (for example Tachibanaki, ed. 2004) and disparity in academic achievement (Kariya and Shimizu, ed. 2004) is progressing, and those people who come from difficult family backgrounds or who find themselves lacking in academic ability or background, those youth with comparatively low social class backgrounds clearly show a higher incidence of unemployment and are more likely to become Freeters (part-time workers) or NEETs (Not in Education, Employment, or Training). Comparatively low education levels and a lack of job security continue to be a large problem in Buraku communities, and with the present tendency for “youth to be socially disadvantaged” (Miyamoto, 2002), it is arguable that the situation of Burakumin youth is becoming desperate.[1]

In addition to the hardship of leading a life such as this, for Burakumin, there is an added challenge of facing the issues incumbent upon minorities: here, of being Burakumin and of discrimination. There is no question that, due to a variety of measures implemented over the past years, discrimination has been subdued. However, this does not mean that the anxiety spurred on by discrimination has been totally erased. The fact that the negative social evaluation of Buraku inherent in prejudice and discrimination is shared by minority youth can serve as an indication of the large effect such an evaluation has on the identity of Burakumin youth. Understanding what measures and conditions would allow Burakumin youth to develop a positive rather than a negative identity remains an important issue, particularly in the struggle to develop measures to conquer the conditions of so-called “psychological discrimination” (Okuda 1998). Despite this fact, the accumulated research on the identity of Burakumin youth is still sparse, and there are few works that make clear the relevance of a variety of social relationships to this identity. [2]

In light of this situation, this paper takes results from the “Survey of the Self-Perceptions and Lived Reality of Youth and High School Students,” conducted in 2004 with the Youth Group of the Nara Prefecture Branch of the Buraku Liberation League, and analyzes the identity and social relationships of Burakumin youth.

The concept “identity” has a variety of uses, depending on research discipline. To offer a rough classification, we can sort the approaches into two: psychology, represented by Erikson, takes identity to be the “coherence” and “uniformity” of the ego, within the individual; sociology (social psychology) takes identity to be close to “function,” based upon one’s membership in a group (reference group) or social category (Gleason 1983; Togitsu 1998). The above survey relies on the latter usage; that is to say, it highlights the self-concepts, appraisals, and feelings born of membership in the Buraku social group.

The object of the survey are youth and high school students (typically up to 35 years of age) either involved in the Buraku liberation movement or those accessible by the prefecture Burakumin youth group. The survey methods were as follows: I conducted directed interviews with people, when possible with the help of the prefecture youth group, and used a placement method when interviews were not possible. The survey was conducted between October 2004 and January 2005. There were 267 respondents, of which 202 (75.7%) indicated they were Burakumin.[3] 32 (12.0%) said they did not think they were Burakumin, 28 (10.5%) said they did not know, and 5 (1.9%) did not answer. This study takes as its object the 202 respondents who indicated they were Burakumin, and makes its analysis based on them. [4]

1. Self-Awareness of Burakumin

Figure 1 indicates the self-consciousness of being Burakumin of those who indicated they were Burakumin.  Responses of “Strongly Agree” or “Agree” were in the majority on the following questions: “Knowing that I could face discrimination because I am Burakumin at times makes me feel uncomfortable” (55.5%) and “I occasionally hesitate when I tell someone else I am Burakumin” (55.4%). More than half of the people experience unease at the thought of discrimination or coming out. Conversely, responses of “Disagree” or “Strongly Disagree” were high for “G If possible, I would like to hide the fact that I am of Buraku origin” (44.6%).

All together, while unease might be high, the results indicate that people do not necessarily want to hide their Buraku origin.

2 Identity and Social Relationships of Burakumin

2-1

I conducted a principle component analysis to get a comprehensive understanding of the answers to the ten questions regarding being Burakumin.[5] Table 1 shows the results.

Table 1 – Principle Component Analysis of Self-Consciousness of Being Burakumin

1:Strongly Agree, 2:Agree, 3:Neither Agree nor Disagree, 4:Disagree, 5:Strongly Disagree

The first component is labeled “Positive Identity” and reflects a positive evaluation of being Burakumin because of a high component loading in “F I tend to think it is a good thing that I am Burakumin” or “B I am proud that I am Burakumin.” The second component is labeled “Discomfort with Discrimination,” because of a high component loading in “C Knowing that I could face discrimination because I am Burakumin at times makes me feel uncomfortable” or “D I occasionally hesitate when I tell someone else I am Burakumin.” The third component is labeled “Feelings of Commonality” because of a high loading in “J I feel mutual understanding with other Burakumin, even if our birthplaces are different.”

The above results allow us to summarize a pattern of Burakumin youth identity with “Positive Identity,” “Discomfort with Discrimination,” and “Feelings of Commonality.” Below there is an analysis of the relationship between the two identity parameters, “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination,” and other parameters.

2-2 Relationship to Attributes

There is no noticeable difference in the identity parameters according to sex.

Table 2 shows correlation coefficients for identity parameters and age and education level. “Discomfort with Discrimination” varies widely according to each of these. “Discomfort with Discrimination” rises both with age and level of education.

Table 2. Correlation Coefficient between Age, Education Level, and Identity Variables

2-3 Relationship to Discrimination Awareness and Experience of Discrimination

Table 3 shows correlation coefficients for identity parameters and perception of the frequency of discrimination in employment, dating, and marriage.

Awareness of discrimination correlates highly with “Discomfort with Discrimination.” For all three forms of discrimination, the class of people who answered, “Often” tend to show high level of discomfort with the thought of discrimination.

On the other hand, if we look at the correlation with “Positive Identity,” for employment and marriage discrimination, we see that those who think they “often” tend to be those who view their identity positively. A strong awareness of discrimination is tied to a positive evaluation of one’s identity. The relationship between positive identity and awareness of discrimination matches with previous work on the subject (Uchida 2005), and we can interpret this as indicating that precisely because of a positive identity one more directly faces discrimination and therefore is more sensitive to it.

Table 4 shows correlation coefficients for identities parameters and experience of discrimination.

“Discomfort with discrimination” shows a meaningful correlation to experience of discrimination. Those who answered “No particular experience” tend not to feel discomfort at the thought of discrimination, as common sense might indicate. Additionally, those with experience of discrimination tend to feel strong discomfort at the thought of discrimination.

However, there is a meaningful correlation between “I have experienced discrimination” and “Positive Identity.” We can see a tendency for those who have experienced discrimination to have a positive sense of identity. At this point we cannot provide an analysis of this result. In order to provide an answer to this question, qualitative research, such as a life-history interview, would most likely be necessary. That aside, just like discrimination awareness, the relationship between discrimination and evaluations of identity is more complicated than common sense might indicate.

2-4 Relationship to Awareness of Buraku Issues – Correlation of “Discomfort with discrimination” and anger with discrimination, of “Positive identity” and having a culture of which one can be proud

Table 5 shows the correlation coefficients for identity parameters and awareness of Buraku issues.

Regarding “Positive Identity,” there is an apparent tendency to have a positive evaluation of identity among those who answered positively to “C Burakumin have a culture one can be proud of,” “B Exchange between Burakumin and those who live around them is a good thing,” “F Famous Burakumin should make their identity clear,” “Burakumin should actively participate in the Buraku liberation movement,” “P Special measures for Buraku neighborhoods are still necessary,” and negatively to “G If you don’t mention Buraku discrimination, but instead ignore it, it will disappear naturally,” “I Buraku discrimination will not disappear no matter how hard you work against it,” “M There is no need to focus on one’s Buraku identity.”

Regarding “Discomfort with Discrimination,” a tendency to have strong discomfort with discrimination was apparent among those who answered positively to “K I am angered by Buraku discrimination,” “L Laws regulating Buraku discrimination are necessary,” and “B Exchange between Burakumin and those who live around them is a good thing,” and negatively to “N Buraku discrimination is slowly disappearing,” “F Famous Burakumin should make their identity clear,” and “M There is no need to focus on one’s Burakumin identity.”

Of note here is the response “M There is no need to focus on one’s Burakumin identity.” Regardless of whether you value your origin positively, regardless of whether you feel discomfort with discrimination, in order to make that evaluation, you must have, to some degree, an awareness of identity.

2-5 Relationship to Conversation about Buraku Issues

Table 6 shows the correlation coefficients for identity parameters and whether the respondent talks about Buraku issues with other people.

Conversation, independent of conversation partner, appears to have a positive effect on “Positive Identity.” Frequent conversation and a positive identity evaluation are linked.

On the other hand, “Discomfort with Discrimination” appears to be primarily correlated with conversations with “C Siblings,” “B Mother,” and “F Buraku friends.” We can see a tendency for people who indicated a high discomfort with discrimination to speak with these people. We cannot ascertain the contents of those conversations from the results of this survey; however, it is possible that discomfort with discrimination might be the subject of conversation.

2-6 Relationship to Image of the Liberation Movement

Table 7 shows the correlation coefficient between identity parameters and perception of the liberation movement.

As for “Positive Identity,” “J The movement has no relation to me” shows a particularly high correlation coefficient; we can see a tendency for those who do not think this to evaluate their identity positively. Additionally, people positively evaluate their identity who characterized the movement as “H Working toward aspirations,” “D Working for the benefit of residents of Buraku areas,” “B Showing strong solidarity,” “F Cool,” and negatively to “G Difficult to approach,” “E Too stiff and formal.” Closeness to the movement, or their image of the movement, is strongly tied to the positive identity of Burakumin youth.

As for “Discomfort with Discrimination,” we can see a tendency for those who characterized the movement as “G Difficult to approach,” “A Frightening,” “I Disregard youth” to display strong discomfort with discrimination. A poor characterization of the movement correlates with “Discomfort with Discrimination.”

2-7 Relationship to Sense of Community

This survey also inquires into the respondents’ sense of community in the neighborhood in which th0ey live. If we only take those who live in Buraku neighborhoods, we can analyze the relationship between sense of community and the identity parameters.

Table 8 shows the correlation coefficients of the identity parameters and the sense of community index.^[6] A meaningful correlation can be seen along “Positive Identity.” A strong sense of community correlates with a positive evaluation of identity.

Table 8. Correlation Coefficient Between the Community Index and Identity Variables (N=133)

2-8 Relationship to Involvement in the Movement and to Knowledge of Buraku Issues

This survey inquires into the respondents’ level of knowledge regarding Buraku issues, on a number of points. I calculate the respondent’s knowledge index by summing the 10 responses,[7] with “Know well” assigned a 4, “Know a little” assigned a 3, “Hardly know” a 2, and “Don’t know at all” a 1. The higher the knowledge index, the more the respondent knows about a variety of Buraku issues.

The survey also inquires into the respondents’ level of participation in the Buraku liberation movement, in a number of different activities. There are 11 different activities provided on the survey, and I assign an experience index by summing the responses with “I have participated” returning a 1 and “I have not participated” returning a 0. The higher this index, the more experience one has in the liberation movement, in a variety of different venues. The correlation coefficient between the knowledge index and the experience index is 0.515 (p<0.01), which is fairly high. A lot of experience in the movement is strongly tied to a lot of knowledge about Buraku and human rights issues.

Table 9. Correlation Coefficient between Knowledge Index, Experience Index and Identity Variables

Table 9 shows the correlation coefficient between the identity parameters and the knowledge index and the experience index. As for “Positive Identity,” the more one has participated in the movement, the more they know about the movement, the more positive their evaluation of their identity.

On the other hand, similar to “Positive Identity,” the more one participates in the movement, the more one knows, the higher is one’s “Discomfort with Discrimination.” The potential reason for that is that an intimate knowledge of Buraku issues, and a high level of participation in the movement, makes one more sensitively aware of the reality of discrimination. We can interpret this as demonstrating a strong correlation between the level of knowledge and the awareness of the presence and effects of discrimination.

Table 10 shows the correlation coefficients between an awareness of the presence and effects of discrimination and the knowledge and experience indices, an analysis necessary to confirm the above assertion. All demonstrate a meaningful correlation: the strength of awareness of the presence and effects of discrimination, the amount of knowledge, and the level of experience in the movement are all tied to each other.

Table 10. Correlation Coefficient between Awareness of Discrimination and Knowledge and Experience Indices

It is certainly the case that the more one knows of Buraku issues, the more he or she understands the severity of discrimination, which is a potential explanation for the increase in the discomfort with discrimination for Burakumin youth. However, if we compare the correlation coefficients for “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination,” both the knowledge index and the experience index are more tightly tied to “Positive Identity.” While limited by the possibility of prompting “Discomfort with discrimination,” we can say that sharing knowledge and participating in the movement play an important role in the formation of a positive identity.

2-9 Relationship with Friends and Family who Participate in the Movement

In examining the relationship with friends and family who participate in the movement, only having friends who participate in the movement appears to be connected with “Positive Identity”; the rest show no relation (table 12).

We confirm that this kind of tendency is important for those who have not participated in youth activities. Looking at those without such experience, we see that the correlation coefficient with “Positive Identity” is 0.295, considerably higher than that for the entire sample. This allows us to say that having a friend who participates in the movement plays, for those who do not participate in activities of the youth group, a role in their positive identity evaluation.

2-10 Relationship with Measures for Buraku Liberation

Table 12 shows the correlation coefficients between the identity parameters and what measures the respondent feels are necessary for Buraku liberation.

For “Discomfort with Discrimination,” we can see that those with high levels of discomfort tend to advocate “D Changes to local and national politics,” “B Provide employment and job stability for Burakumin.” Furthermore, for “Positive Identity” we can see that those who positively evaluate their identity tend to advocate “A Actively encourage Burakumin to come out.”

Furthermore, those with strong expressions of “Discomfort with Discrimination” and “Positive Identity” characteristically do not advocate “Doing nothing and letting things run their course.” To say this another way, there is a tendency, if there is no discomfort with discrimination, or no positive evaluation of identity, to think nothing special need necessarily be done.

3 Analysis of Identity Types

If we use the two parameters consolidated in the previous section, “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination,” we can sort those surveyed into four ideological categories. Namely, a “positive-uneasy type” in which “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination” are both strong; a “positive type” in which “Positive Identity” is strong, “Discomfort with Discrimination” weak; an “uneasy type” in which “Positive Identity” is weak, “Discomfort with Discrimination” strong; and a “weak type” in which “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination” are both weak. We can then sort the respondents, using the two parameters of “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination,” into four categories, according to a K-means operation (cluster analysis) (figure 2, table 13).

Figure 2 A plot of a cluster analysis of the two parameters, “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination”

Table 13 Results of the Cluster Analysis of the two parameters, “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination” (N=197)

The resulting categorization of clusters is: “positive-uneasy type” (48.2%), “weak type” (16.8%), “uneasy type” 17.3%), “positive type” (17.8%). Those with both strong “Positive Identity” and “Discomfort with Discrimination” comprise nearly half of the respondents.

Table 14 shows the characteristics of the different identity categories according to different attributes. The “positive-uneasy type” is characterized by a higher level of education and a richness of knowledge about Buraku issues and experience in the movement. The “weak type” has relatively little knowledge about Buraku issues, and little experience in the movement. The “uneasy type” is older and has a high education level, but has relatively little knowledge of Buraku issues. The “positive type” is younger, with a lower education level.

Table 14 Characteristics of Identity Categories

Figure 3 shows the relationship among the different identity categories, based on the above analysis of characteristics. First, we can see that participating in the local movement and its activities, as well as having Dowa education in school help form a “Positive Identity” for youth and high school students. However, we can also see that the proportion of the “positive-uneasy type” and the “uneasy type” grow as age and education level increase. As I said in the previous section, those people who have higher than a high school education inevitably experience moving to a different area. There they have greater contact with non-Burakumin, who have little understanding of Buraku issues. Furthermore, we can see that as age increases, knowledge of a variety of issues also becomes richer. In the process, they learn to take being Burakumin positively, but at the same time the “positive-uneasy type” that feels discomfort also increases in number. On the other hand, the “uneasy type” has less knowledge about Buraku issues compared to the “positive-uneasy type,” and therefore has little basis for a positive appraisal of identity.

Finally, the “weak type,” which has little knowledge and experience in the movement, has a relatively thin awareness of self as Burakumin.

The ability to spot discrimination is also the ability to understand the social situation in which Burakumin are placed. In a society with discrimination, the uneasy thought of potentially being the object of discrimination is natural. In response, supporting a “Positive Identity” is important. Practically, measures are necessary that actively spread those elements deeply linked to a “Positive Identity” explored in the previous section (namely, people with whom one can speak about Buraku issues, a positive perception of the liberation movement, a lot of knowledge about Buraku issues, the formation of a community to which one feels connected).

4 The Organization of Perception, and a Few Suggestions

In conclusion, I would like to offer a few suggestions for further research based on what this survey and its analysis has revealed.

4-1 Discomfort with discrimination is large

To no small degree, this survey makes it evident that there are people feeling discomfort with discrimination. Awareness of the realities of discrimination is strong, particularly of marriage discrimination, which over 70% of respondents thought happens “frequently” or “occasionally.” Over 30% of respondents have either encountered or directly experienced discrimination. This type of awareness of the presence and effects of discrimination is strongly tied to “discomfort with discrimination.”

4-2 The Importance of the Liberation Movement

It is clear that the identity of Burakumin youth is tied to their perception of the Buraku liberation movement. I was not able to consider this point in great detail in this paper, but looking at the simple aggregate results, we see that for many Burakumin, the Buraku liberation movement is not perceived as somebody else’s issue, and has some relation to the respondent him or herself.[8] We need to get rid of the negative perception of and prejudices against the Buraku liberation movement and instead actively promote its positive aspects and the social contributions it has thus far provided.

4-3 Human Relations – The Importance of Friends

Having close friends close by with whom one can talk about Buraku issues is closely linked to having a positive identity evaluation. Having friends who are in the movement is particularly closely linked to a positive identity. We need to help cultivate people who can actively talk about Buraku issues, be they Burakumin or not.

At the same time, it is necessary to foster relationships so that everyday friends could offer support in the case of someone being discriminated against.

4-4 A Strong Sense of Community

If we just look at those living in Buraku areas, a strong sense of community for the Buraku area is linked to a positive identity evaluation. It is important to engage in community building that is attractive to young people, and in order to foster such community building, we need to increase the opportunities for youth involvement in the community building process.

At the same time, the results of this survey indicate that one fourth of Burakumin live outside of Buraku areas. We also need, then, to build a network that goes beyond neighborhood boundaries and includes Burakumin youth who, for whatever reason, do not live in a Buraku area.

4-5 Experience in the Movement, Knowledge of the Issues

Having a lot of experience in the movement, as well as a lot of knowledge of Buraku issues, are tied to having a positive identity evaluation. It is necessary to provide a variety of opportunities for people to participate in the movement and to make knowledge their own. To that end, we need measures that go hand in hand with special youth topics and needs, and we need to foster supportive relationships. We also need to re-examine the various activities of our movements, and base them on the specific characteristics and needs of local communities.

Above, I provided an analysis of the identity of Burakumin youth. To put it directly, if we do not implement measures to invigorate, in a multi-faceted manner, the various factors examined above that are tied to a positive identity, we face the undeniable possibility of the identity evaluation of Buraku children and youth falling when faced with a discriminatory society.

In recent years there has been ongoing debate over how to define the category of “Burakumin.” There has been an increased flow in and out of Buraku neighborhoods due to social changes, and a rise in Buraku/non-Buraku marriages.[9] As a result, the definition posed by Inoue Kiyosih (1950), namely of “place,” “bloodline or genealogy,” and “work,” no longer suffices (Uchida 2000). Buraku discrimination, which is not based on differences discernible by eye, is now characterized by “using one of three symbols – particular place of origin, working in a particular job, living in a particular neighborhood – to hold in disdain another person, independent of whether that person actually has ‘attributes’ related to those symbols” (Yoda 2005:22). That is to say, it is premature to conclude that there is no value in examining Buraku identity, a fact corroborated by the findings of this paper on the relationship between “Discomfort with Discrimination” and social relations. It is undeniable that “the risk of discrimination is higher for those who do have the related ‘attributes,’ and that this has a strong relationship with identity formation and structure of the involved parties” (ibid.: 22).

Beyond what this paper has uncovered about identity evaluation, there is still much research on Burakumin identity, some of which overlaps with ethnic studies, as of yet left untouched. For example: What role does a social identity consolidated along group lines play for the assembly and mobilization of a minority / what role has it played? How is Burakumin identity consolidated for individuals, what meaning does that identity have for those individuals / how has it been consolidated, what meaning has it held? How is this social identity appraised by society / how has it been appraised? Finally, how are these questions related to changes in the structure of Japanese society? I would be pleased if this paper could serve as fodder for the development of such research.

Acknowledgement I would like to thank the Youth Group of the Nara Prefecture Buraku Liberation League, who provided me with a valuable opportunity, and to all those who took the time to respond to my survey. Without this support, this analysis would not have been possible. Thank you very much.

Works Cited

See Japanese version.

Attributes of Respondents

1. Sex: Approximately same number of woman and men. Men comprised 52%, women 48%, about half each.
2. Age: Average age was 25. Youngest was 15, oldest 37. 23.9% were 15-19; 24.9% 20-24; 26.4% 25-29; 24.9% 30 or higher. Five-year increments occupied approximately the same percentages.
3. Location of residence: Sakurai, Nara, Gosho comprised more than half. 21.3% from Sakurai, 19.3% from Nara, 16.3% from Gosho.
4. Education level: High school graduate is most prevalent at 26.2%. College graduate was 17.3%, community college 13.4%, still in high school 16.3%.
5. Marital status: Slightly less than 30% of the respondents are married. Single people – 65.8%; Married 29.7%. Despite the young age range, 3.5% are divorced.
6. Buraku residence/birthplace: One quarter live outside Buraku areas. More than 80% were born in Buraku areas. 71.3% presently live in a Buraku, 24.8% outside. If we look at age, 45.7% of those 30 or older live outside a Buraku, close to half. 83.7% were born in a Buraku; 16.3% were either born outside of a Buraku or do not know.
7. Parent’s origins: Respondents with two Buraku parents make up more than half. 81.2% of fathers are from Buraku areas, 14.4% from outside, 3.0% don’t know. 75.7% of the mothers are from Buraku areas, 19.8% from outside, 3.5% don’t know. In 52.5% of parent couples, both parents are from Buraku areas, in 31.7% at least one is, in 13.9% either neither parent is from a Buraku or the parents’ origins are unknown.